Electoral
Bonds with a 2wist !
GangaPrasad Rao
Energy,
Environmental and Mineral Economist
gprao64@gmail.com
gprao64@gmail.com
Every Budget has its
surprise, its climaxes and disappointments. This Jaitley Budget is no
different. The Press says it is a good, fiscally-prudent budget, and
so it must be, for the Press doesn’t ever lie. But this column is
no diatribe over the Press’s freedom and its inclinations. Rather,
its about an opportunity to leverage and further enhance a certain
proposal in the Budget – the proposal to fund electoral campaigns
by issuing Electoral Bonds. My read on the issue is that the RBI
would issue Electoral (Bearer) Bonds through designated Banks to
various entities – Individuals, Businesses, Foreign Institutions,
who may then donate these Bonds anonymously to (a) Political
Party/Parties of their choice. Parties may redeem these Bonds
immediately through their registered Bank accounts. The proposal is,
ostensibly or otherwise, meant to cleanse Electoral financing of
black money, and bring about ‘transparent democracy’.
Now, the democracy
that Indians vote for, is constituted of a ‘Political Government’
- a Government comprised of major political parties that runs the
nation in a conclave with Bankers, Technology-providers, Domestic
Capitalists and Foreign Institutions. The Government obtains the
collective preferences of the Voter Group, manages the monetary and
the fisc to engender an expansionary Real-Nominal economy. This Real
Society-Nominal economy offers returns to Capitalists and Investors,
while ensuring livelihood, security and lifestyle-quality to
families, even as it expands its power base. Voters, Businesses and
Foreign Entities could be deemed to seek a Compact with the Political
within this socio-politico-economic context – a Compact that more
clearly defines the exchanges between themselves and the Political
Government. Whereas Voters seek Livelihood security and a safe,
nurturing society (and by implication, reasonable returns to
Parenting, Gold and Realty – their Wealth Repositories), domestic
Businesses support the political in expectations of a Keynesian
Nominal Cycle that is pareto with the Political Government and the
Nominal Society. Foreign entities could be grouped together so they
maximize a polar ‘ Millenial Development Goals-CC
Principles-Nominal Profits’ objective. Given this context,
Politicians juggle their options – Sovereign relations, Money
supply, temporally and regionally-defined technological
Opportunities, and FX compromises, to pursue a Real-Nominal economy
that addresses the concerns and wishes of all sections of the
society.
The proposed
Electoral Bonds could be strategized within this contextual Compact.
How’d one structure a strategy around the issue of Electoral Bonds
that addressed the multi-party Compact? If Electoral Bonds,
essentially non-enforceable Debt instruments issued by Political
parties, are issued by the RBI, the same could be ‘supply-optimized’
by Political Parties at times, and in numbers consistent with their
political situation, and prospective plans. Thus, and should
elections be impending, prospective technological and economic
opportunities abundant, businesses friendly, and public interest in
the Political Government healthy, Political Parties might signal RBI
issue Electoral Bonds incrementally. Conversely, they might suggest
RBI delay issuing Bonds, or otherwise issue a limited number of Bonds
if their ‘private’ finances are in good shape, Business
confidence in the Political Government waning, technological and
economic opportunities evanescent, or if GO ascendant in the masses.
Upon indications from the Political Circle, the RBI, offers at its
Political Bond Annexe, a variable number of Bonds at the ‘ordered
auctions’. These auctions offer all Bonds available for the
day/week to Voters first, domestic Businesses and Capitalists next,
with the residual on offer to FIIs. Voters, offered a means to donate
politically, seek to assure their livelihood security through
donations of Electoral Bonds. Despite the absence of a formal compact
with the favored party, they’d, rationally expect, at all times
within the Political cycle, either, continued employment, alternative
employment opportunities, or, salary-insurance for a length of time
proportional the magnitude of their donations. Hopeful of livelihood
security, Citizens, particularly those in the middle class, who must
invest early in education and indenture themselves for a home loan,
donate Electoral Bonds in return for informal livelihood/salary
insurance within the (next) Political Cycle. Those who seek such
insurance at higher salaries might have to contend with
exponentially-increasing investment in Electoral Bonds. Between the
imperative to assure the family a future, and an exponentially
increasing ‘premium’ price to pay, the middle-class households
find an optimum amount of Political Bonds to buy and donate. Post
buying such assurance, middle-class householders, would exhibit an
increasing propensity to consume as a group, ie, they’d be willing
to save less and spend more. Infused with ‘Consumerist animal
spirits’, households would spend more of their disposable income,
stoke a consumer-centered economy, and assure the society a Keynesian
plenty.
Domestic Businesses
Houses, which plan to secure and expand their businesses across
political cycles within a ‘Social Real-Keynesian Nominal’
framework, donate strategically and anonymously to the Political
Circle. Their donations are in the form of AO Expectations around
Subsidies, FX and Interest Rates in the short-run, and Competition
and Capital Investments in the long. Parties receiving such donations
would then be sympathetic to business concerns and accommodate them
between the niche-oriented Political Compact and uncertainty-hedged
Capital markets. Simultaneously, Businesses, fearing parties with
full coffers which might yet yield to populist pressures, would limit
their donations to ensure Political parties do not splurge in
political returns and turn against them in a subsequent cycle.
Between buying a Keynesian stimulus, and protecting their profits and
rents, Domestic businesses find an optimum amount of Electoral Bonds
to buy and commit to the Political.
A similar argument
applies to the polar objectives of FIIs. Whereas they seek political
sympathy with their client’s MDG agenda, and Global CC Conformance
beyond returns to political foresight, entrepreneurship and
alacrity-based arbitrage, they fear donations made with these
objectives might tilt the scales in regional political spheres, and
hence limit their participation to an equilibrium that balances the
incentives and fears. The aggregation of (sequential) demands for
Electoral bonds from Individuals, Businesses and FIIs, when faced
with a supply of Bonds from the Political Circle, obtains an
equilibrium in the Electoral Bond Annexe market, thus establishing a
marginal price for the Bonds.
Now consider a
public market for Bonds that trades beyond Electoral Bonds, Sovereign
Bonds of various tenures, as well select Sovereign Bonds of
neighbouring nations and major Trade partners. Electoral Bonds
redeemed by Political parties end up in this market, and are traded
alongside as yet ‘undonated’ Electoral Bonds against Sovereign
Bonds of various affiliations. (One wouldn’t, normally, expect
Political parties to buy Electoral Bonds in this market; however,
they might do so on rare occasions for diplomatic and strategic
political reasons). These trades reveal the political mood of the
nation, the trade-offs between, on one hand, domestic politics and
political expectations, and on the other, sovereign and trade
relations with neighbouring countries. Trading reveals political,
electoral, sovereign as well as trade opportunities, and threats that
could be gainfully interpreted by psephologists, diplomats and policy
makers. For example, trades in the Political Annexe of the Bond
market might reveal how Businesses favoring a Right-wing party might
quantitatively impact, post-elections, relations with neigbouring
sovereigns, and relations with major trade partners. (Donations may
be timed to coincide with, or any time after, upon ensuring social
and political compatibility. Bond-holders may hold on to the Bonds
and time their donations to political receptiveness. Political
parties, funded by 3 significant economic constituencies, choose to
accept donations such that they are, on one hand compatible with the
Political Compact, and on the other, consistent with the donor
aspirations).
This proposal has
much to commend. First and by far, the most significant, the strategy
of leveraging Electoral Bonds to serve as Livelihood Insurance is
likely to induce a marked reduction in marginal propensity to save
among the middle class, and thus engender an incrementally
Consumerist society within a pareto political context. It is also
conformable with Business incentives and fears, and offers a credible
means to signal intentions to the Political. Third, the strategy
provides foreign entities – whether multi-lateral institutions, or
Capitalists, a public means to interact politically with a future
Government whose agenda they’d like to influence to advantage. The
facility to intervene in the Political Annexe of the Bond market
permits the RBI - a proxy for the Sovereign Fiduciary, a hold upon
Electoral/Campaign liquidity, and signal unacceptable threats to the
Sovereign, or to the Trade economy.
The first step
toward cleaner electoral politics has been taken by Jaitley. The
proposal above could modestly, be deemed a second. The ball now lies
in the public court to ensure these bonds serve the larger purpose of
a sustainable society and a democratic politic..